Nepal Civil War Criminal Amnesty or Prosecution Civilian to Decide

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The vast majority were Maoist party members or at least supporters. I know that the Geneva conventions only permit actions against participants in combat operations, whether as fighters or providers of material support. Others in the enemy camp who spread propaganda, raise funds or feed combatants cannot legally be assaulted.

But this is a nonsensical distinction. They spread propaganda to recruit people to fight against us. They raised money to buy weapons to strike us. Whatever international law might say, it was necessary to arrest them and extract information by all means possible, and if necessary, eliminate them before they could harm us. Such might be the argument of the army officer. A defense of this sort would not stand in international tribunals, which judge specific acts rather than broad conduct, and are usually unsympathetic to appeals to military necessity.

Many people in Kathmandu unhesitatingly blame the Maoists for all the violence of the conflict. For, according to common belief, the party that started the conflict is to blame for all the violence. All bets are off once the fighting begins.

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Moreover, the Kathmandu classes are grateful towards the army. Best to look away from the horrors. But before I try to answer that question, I want to recount a single incident from the war, as told to me by the father of a victim. It was planting season. They had spent the entire day in the fields, were exhausted and had gone to bed early. At around 10 pm, they were awoken by loud banging on the door. Before anyone could get up, a group of soldiers from the Chisapani barracks and policemen from the Mainapokhar police office broke into the room.

Ram Kishan jumped out of bed. A soldier shoved a rifle butt into his chest. A policeman struck him on the head with a lathi. Once he fell to the floor, they stamped on his back with their boots. A soldier shone a torch onto her face and asked her name. As her father pleaded them to let his daughter go, the soldiers blindfolded her, dragged her out of the house to the village well around 50 meters away and shot her dead. They sent three of the boys back home, but took one of them to the Chisapani barracks, along with the corpse.

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This boy was named Dinesh Chaudhari and related to Rupa. At Chisapani, he was asked to identify her body. A few days later the Defense Ministry released the image to the press, along with a statement claiming that the Maoist commander Rupa Chaudhari had been shot dead as she tried to flee from an army patrol. Dinesh was kept at the barracks for two weeks, where he was beaten regularly, before being allowed to go home.

Like most villagers, Ram Kishan found the police less intimidating than the army, and felt emboldened enough to berate the policemen on duty for murdering his daughter.

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But Ram Kishan said he wanted to take it home for a proper burial. A vehicle was arranged. Ram Kishan and the VDC secretary got into it, along with a policeman who had been instructed to accompany them and the decomposing corpse. The driver and accompanying policeman had been instructed not to take Ram Kishan to his village. Instead of going to Sorahawa, the vehicle drove straight south towards the Indian border.

They would remember the senseless murder of the young girl and feel not just grief, but also rage and indignation. The anger could boil over and spread to surrounding villages. As the guardian of public order in the district, the DSP simply could not allow such chaos. Ram Kishan panicked as the car drove straight past the road that led to his village. Why was Rupa Chaudhari murdered?

Judging by the actions of soldiers in the district between and , it is clear that their superiors had given them ample latitude, if not direct orders, to shoot suspected Maoists on sight. The name Rupa is quite common and the surname Chaudhari is virtually synonymous with the Tharu ethnic group.

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The trigger-happy soldiers of the Bhimkali Company knew their superiors would not punish them for killing civilians. Moreover, killing the namesake of a known combatant would allow them to strike off another name on their kill list and earn brownie points. They had an incentive to shoot the suspect dead before inquiring about her identity.

What about the complicity of their superiors? Had they conducted even the most cursory investigation, they would have found that their soldiers had killed an innocent child. The staggering proportion of civilian disappearances indicates utter recklessness on the part of the army. As the case of Rupa Chaudhari demonstrates, state security personnel were rarely at immediate risk during cordon and search operations, and could easily have taken greater care to determine the identities of those they apprehended.

Why was RNA in such a hurry to release a statement announcing that Rupa Chaudhari was a rebel combatant? Many armies after all have cited deterrence as justification for the use of excessive force. Perhaps the people of Bardiya would have stayed away from the Maoists if they were convinced that the army would only kill or torture actual rebels. But anyone was potentially subject to violence, especially those who belonged to the Tharu ethnic group or otherwise lacked resources and political access.

Soldiers entering a village in daytime would shoot wildly at anyone who tried to hide or run away, often leaving several people dead by the time they left the area. Young people who were found far afield from their village were immediate suspects and liable to be shot on the spot. If murder and disappearance were common, lesser forms of violence were endemic.

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This was a crucial factor in their decision to reach a negotiated settlement. But such aggressive efforts to weed out rebels were hardly necessary to force the Maoists to the negotiation table. It was able to protect urban areas and key installations with relative ease. Shows some signs of wear, and may have some markings on the inside. More information about this seller Contact this seller 7. A copy that has been read, but remains in excellent condition. Pages are intact and are not marred by notes or highlighting, but may contain a neat previous owner name.

The spine remains undamaged. Seller Inventory GI4N More information about this seller Contact this seller 8. Condition: Used: Good.

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      Suddenly, women have become womankind's worst enemies, and a man's word is considered gospel in a patriarchal culture where child marriage and polygamy are considered the norms of the day. It is in this tumultuous social climate that the Karki family find themselves, ever since Tegraj's and Balika's arrival in the plains of Assam from the hills of Nepal. Unwilling to leave behind the rules and rituals of her homeland, Balika struggles to create her own Nepal instead-exercising power and privilege over her family and ruling them with an iron fist.

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